Recent Uploads of White Man Force Rape Black Woman
Health Equity. 2018; two(1): 249–259.
Racism, African American Women, and Their Sexual and Reproductive Health: A Review of Historical and Contemporary Bear witness and Implications for Health Equity
Cynthia Prather
1Division of HIV/AIDS Prevention, National Middle for HIV, Hepatitis, STD and TB Prevention, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Atlanta, Georgia.
Taleria R. Fuller
2Division of Reproductive Wellness, National Heart for Chronic Disease Prevention and Health Promotion, Centers for Illness Control and Prevention, Atlanta, Georgia.
William 50. Jeffries, 4
1Division of HIV/AIDS Prevention, National Heart for HIV, Hepatitis, STD and TB Prevention, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Atlanta, Georgia.
Khiya J. Marshall
3Division of Violence Prevention, National Center for Injury Prevention and Control, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Atlanta, Georgia.
A. Vyann Howell
1Partitioning of HIV/AIDS Prevention, National Eye for HIV, Hepatitis, STD and TB Prevention, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Atlanta, Georgia.
Angela Belyue-Umole
1Division of HIV/AIDS Prevention, National Center for HIV, Hepatitis, STD and TB Prevention, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Atlanta, Georgia.
Winifred King
fourDivision of Global HIV and TB, Center for Global Wellness, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Atlanta, Georgia.
Abstract
Background: The sexual and reproductive health of African American women has been compromised due to multiple experiences of racism, including discriminatory healthcare practices from slavery through the post-Civil Rights era. However, studies rarely consider how the historical underpinnings of racism negatively influence the nowadays-day wellness outcomes of African American women. Although some improvements to ensure equitable healthcare have been made, these historical influences provide an unexplored context for illuminating present-twenty-four hours epidemiology of sexual and reproductive health disparities amidst African American women.
Methods: To account for the unique healthcare experiences influenced by racism, including healthcare provision, nosotros searched online databases for peer-reviewed sources and books published in English language simply. We explored the link between historical and electric current experiences of racism and sexual and reproductive health outcomes.
Results: The legacy of medical experimentation and inadequate healthcare coupled with social determinants has exacerbated African American women's complex relationship with healthcare systems. The social determinants of wellness associated with institutionalized and interpersonal racism, including poverty, unemployment, and residential segregation, may brand African American women more vulnerable to disparate sexual and reproductive health outcomes.
Conclusions: The evolution of innovative models and strategies to improve the wellness of African American women may be informed by an understanding of the historical and enduring legacy of racism in the United States. Addressing sexual and reproductive health through a historical lens and ensuring the implementation of culturally appropriate programs, enquiry, and handling efforts volition probable motion public health toward achieving health equity. Furthermore, information technology is necessary to develop interventions that address the intersection of the social determinants of health that contribute to sexual and reproductive health inequities.
Keywords: : African American women, racism, sexual and reproductive health
What happened on that auction block centuries agone is still unfinished business concern for African American women today. —Dr. Gail East. Wyattane
Introduction
Racism in the Us is pervasive and is a major contributor to sexual and reproductive health disparities of African American women. The historical narrative most racial inferiority has exacerbated discriminatory healthcare practices, in plow negatively affecting the quality and types of healthcare provided to African American women.ii–6 Co-ordinate to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), African American women feel a high burden of maternal mortality, infant mortality, and sexually transmitted infections (STI), including HIV.four–9 Furthermore, racism is a fundamental determinant of health condition because it contributes to social inequalities (e.yard., poverty) that shape health behaviors, admission to healthcare, and interactions with medical professionals.three,ten,11
Although legalized slavery, the nearly salient manifestation of race-based mistreatment for African Americans, ended in 1865, racism persists in institutions (e.g., criminal justice system), and attitudes that marginalize African American women.iv,12,13 For this reason, a historical analysis might shed low-cal on how current sexual and reproductive health outcomes for African American women are shaped by racism and inform public health interventions to improve outcomes and promote health equity.
Methods
First, we highlight a combination of significant historical events throughout four fundamental eras that play a office in current wellness outcomes, including slavery, Black Codes/Jim Crow, Civil Rights, and post-Ceremonious Rights (present day). The authors posit that a combination of these race-based events across eras impacts the electric current reproductive and sexual health status of African American women. We searched online databases (e.g., PubMed) for peer-reviewed sources and books published in English merely. To business relationship for the unique healthcare experiences influenced by racism, including healthcare provision and research, our search was limited to the Usa only. Second, we describe gimmicky sexual and reproductive health outcomes. Tertiary, we explore the link between these historical experiences and current sexual and reproductive health outcomes. Finally, we discuss the potential do good for public health interventions that acknowledge the historical and current wellness status and healthcare experiences of African American women, and interventions that promote health disinterestedness.
We argue that a careful examination of historical factors is essential to effectively address the current healthcare needs of African American women particularly every bit they chronicle to chronic stress and impacts on health outcomes beyond a variety of conditions potentially rooted in racism, including STI (due east.g., HIV) and pregnancy-related morbidity and mortality. If past influences that take potentially shaped current outcomes are not taken into consideration, so public health efforts may neglect the bear on of larger, contextual factors that touch health and contribute to inequities. Given the nature of this article, our review was considered exempt by the institutional review board and not required.
Results
Key historical considerations: slavery to present
Figure i presents a time period spanning 399 years (1619–2018) beginning in 1619 when enslaved Africans were brought to the United States and includes slavery, Black Codes/Jim Crow, Civil Rights, and mail-Civil Rights.14 Tabular array 1 provides a summary of adverse lived personal experiences and health exposures of African American women during four different time periods. Nosotros argue that the race-based experiences of these women underlie many of their sexual and reproductive wellness atmospheric condition.
Primal periods of Africans and their American descendants in the United states of america.
Table ane.
Historical and Contemporary Sexual- And Reproductive-Related Wellness and Healthcare Experiences of African American Women
| Catamenia | Time span | No. of years | Personal experiences of AAW that contribute to disparities in sexual and reproductive wellness | Healthcare experiences of AAW that contribute to disparities |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Slavery | 1619–1865 | 246 | Public, nude concrete sale examinations to determine reproductive ability15,xx; raped for sexual pleasure and economic purpose19,23; purposely aborting pregnancies where rape occurred; Jezebel stereotype emerged of black women being hypersexual115; generational poverty | Nonconsensual gynecological and reproductive surgeries performed at times repeatedly on female person slaves without anesthesia, including cesarean sections and ovariotomy to perfect medical procedures27,28 |
| Black Codes/Jim Crow | 1865–1965 | 100 | Rape35; lynching (genitalia/reproductive mutilation)36,37,forty; uncertain/unequal civil rights35; stereotypes and negative media portrayals continued; generational poverty | Nonconsensual medical experiments continued27; poor or no healthcare for impoverished blacks; compulsory sterilization47; Jim Crow laws enforced lack of access to quality healthcare services and opportunities; effects of Tuskegee Untreated Syphilis Study on women49,50 |
| Civil Rights | 1955–1975 | 20 | Lynching, uncertain/unequal civil rights and violence against women to prove superiority and control35; stereotypes and negative hypersexual media portrayals continued; generational poverty | Nonconsensual medical experiments continued27,132; compulsory sterilization47; effects of Tuskegee Untreated Syphilis Study on womenl; unequal healthcare servicesxxx |
| Post-Civil Rights | 1975–2018 | 43 | Black exploitation movies, media's hypersexual images continued116–117; generational poverty | Diff healthcare connected30; targeted sterilizations, hysterectomies, abortions, and birth control42,43,47,53,54 |
| Total no. of years | 1619–2018 | 399 |
Race-based mistreatment that occurred during the 246-twelvemonth enslavement (1619–1865) of Africans and their descendants involved many sexual and reproductive acts of violence against both enslaved African American women and their sexual partners. Enslaved women often experienced legalized sexual and reproductive exploitation.15–nineteen Some sources judge that 58% of all enslaved women aged fifteen–30 years were sexually assaulted by slave owners and other white men.fifteen,20 Due to laws defining them as property, enslaved women had no legal protection from sexual assail by white men.19
Acts of sexual violence confronting African American men could as well impact enslaved women. Because enslaved men were viewed as social threats, and had few criminal justice protections, mobs of white men publicly lynched and/or castrated them in efforts to affirm their potency over them.21 In addition to disrupting relationships between enslaved women and their male partners, such occurrences restricted their opportunities to reproduce with a partner of their choosing.
Consequently, childbearing during slavery was often intrinsically related to an economical organisation that benefitted white slave owners more and so than a matter of personal freedom.15,22 Considering enslaved women and girls were denied reproductive rights to command their own sexuality, they were unable to decide with whom they engaged in sexual relationships.23,24 Women who were considered "strong" were sold equally breeders and routinely sexually assaulted to birth more children into slavery.23 Some enslaved females attempted to avoid being sexually exploited for these purposes and aborted their pregnancies equally an deed of resistance.23,25,26
Enslaved women had express access to healthcare, and the bachelor "care" frequently involved medical experimentation.27 James Marion Sims, the "Father of Modern Gynecology" and former president of the American Medical Association, performed many reproductive experimental surgeries without anesthesia to treat diverse childbirth illnesses among enslaved African American women.28 Many physicians used enslaved women in other experimental reproductive surgeries, such as cesarean sections and ovariotomy, to perfect procedures that would later be used for all women.29
Adverse sexual and reproductive health and healthcare experiences continued for African American women throughout the Black Codes/Jim Crow era. (Table 1).24,30,31 Although the Emancipation Proclamation granted freedom to the enslaved, the Black Codes restricted African Americans' labor advancement and migration, and Jim Crow laws restricted their overall civil rights.32,33 In some states, laws regarding rape protected merely white women although some sources argue that African American women were more often victimized by this law-breaking.21 In the absence of laws to protect African American women, rape served to control them, which likely afflicted their self-esteem and self-worth.34 Lynching was as well used to punish both women and men who sought racial equality through civil rights.24,35,36 Many African American women also endured public gang rape and genital mutilation before being lynched.37–forty
Furthermore, eugenic programs emerged to control the size of the blackness population.41–43 These programs coerced African American women to undergo sterilizations without their full knowledge that these procedures were not reversible.44 Although the eugenic thesis was refuted by scientists, several state-supported eugenic sterilization programs remained active.45,46 Thirty states supported formal eugenic programs that enforced compulsory sterilization from the early on 1900s to the 1970s.47
The longest running medical experiment in the United States was the "Tuskegee Syphilis Written report of Untreated Syphilis in the Male Negro."48 Beginning in 1932, the U.S. Public Health Service recruited poor and uneducated African American men in Alabama to decide the issue of untreated syphilis. Although treatment became available, the men were misled, denied treatment, and not informed of the study findings until 1972.49 In addition to study subjects experiencing syphilis-related morbidity and mortality, some of their wives acquired syphilis, and some of their children suffered complications from built syphilis.50
Inhumane healthcare provided during the Black Codes/Jim Crow era was replaced with express, poor-quality, or no health services for many African Americans, particularly those living in poverty during the Civil Rights era.thirty Both the Ceremonious Rights and post-Ceremonious Rights eras take been characterized past overt and subtle forms of racism in the U.Southward. healthcare system. Legal segregation in healthcare continued through the mid-1960s until Congress passed the Civil Rights Act of 1964.51 Soon thereafter, the Medicaid plan forced many hospitals to adhere to the Civil Rights Human action and to rent doctors who would treat patients of all races, although unequally.51 Federal funding supported coerced sterilization, and some African American women were threatened with denial of medical intendance or termination of welfare benefits if they did not undergo sterilization.52 Moreover, in 1972, ∼20 women, more often than not young, African American and poor, suffered unintentional abortions as a result of the super coil. The super coil was a device that acquired uncontrollable bleeding and, in some cases, led to hysterectomies, abdominal hurting, and anemia.53
In add-on, many poor African American women underwent unnecessary hysterectomies as practise for medical students at select education hospitals.54 This exploitation of African American women became routine and perpetuated the eugenic motility during this time period.47 Although long-acting reversible contraceptives (i.e., implants) are now recommended every bit the most effective contraception option for many women, including adolescents regardless of race/ethnicity, debates about reproductive justice and the use of these contraceptives amongst African American women persist.55,56 African American women too written report experiences of racial bigotry when seeking family planning services, and are more probable than white women to exist advised to restrict childbearing, which might engender feelings of mistrust.57–lx Likewise, blackness women of low socioeconomic status (SES) were more likely than white women of low SES to be recommended by their healthcare provider for intrauterine contraception.61
Taken together, these historical experiences of sexual violence, experimentation, and healthcare disenfranchisement support the intergenerational transmission of poor sexual and reproductive health outcomes among African American women in the United States.
Contemporary sexual and reproductive health outcomes
The CDC reports that African American women experience a high brunt of STIs, including HIV.62 In 2012, compared with white women, African American women were more probable to be diagnosed with primary or secondary syphilis, gonorrhea, or chlamydia (xvi.three, 13.8, and 6.2 times, respectively).62 African American women were also two to 3 times as likely equally white women to have pelvic inflammatory disease.62 If left undiagnosed or untreated, these weather condition can pb to pregnancy complications and infertility.62 In addition, CDC reported that African American women had an HIV incidence rate that was 20.1 times greater than that of white women in 2010.63 African American women are too more likely to accept delayed HIV handling compared with women of other races.64
Pregnancy-related morbidity and bloodshed too disproportionately affect African American women.65,66 In 2013, CDC reported that the preterm charge per unit for black infants was ∼sixty% higher than for white infants (17.ane% and 10.eight% respectively).67 In addition, the low birth weight rate for African Americans was ten.13% and 6.97% for whites.68 During 1998–2005, African American women had a three to iv times higher risk of pregnancy-related death at every age interval compared with women of other races.69 African American women also have increased hazard for pregnancy-related hypertension and chronic hypertension.70 Importantly, this increased adventure of mortality suggests that African American women are less probable to receive quality prenatal intendance and other preventive services (e.g., preconception wellness counseling and quality care for pre-existing medical conditions such as hypertension).71
African American women undergo more than hysterectomies due to conditions (east.g., uterine fibroids) that are potentially treatable by less aggressive procedures than other women.72–74 Kjerulff et al. as well institute that black women were more probable than other women to take longer hospital stays and 3 times the inhospital mortalities, likewise every bit other complications (i.e., respiratory, postoperative infection, gastrointestinal, hemorrhage, hematoma, accidental puncture, or laceration).74
Researchers are urged to examine whatsoever biases they may take about African American women before interpreting data most their sexual and reproductive health. Although focused on African American men, Leigh and Huff outline important considerations regarding reporting bias that are pertinent for African American women.75 First, racism is a social factor embedded within the historical legacy of the U.s..57,75,76 The effects of racism and unconscious bias are hard for African American women to avoid, because race and ultimately racism are based on physical characteristics (i.e., skin color). Whether racism is internalized, experienced within institutions (i.e., workplace), or through societal assumptions (i.e., preconceived notions about racial groups), it increases the risks of adverse sexual and reproductive wellness outcomes for this population.77 Second, there may exist a reporting bias related to African Americans, because African Americans disproportionately admission medical care in publicly funded clinics due to socioeconomic disparities. These clinics typically have more stringent reporting requirements.75 Finally, differences in sexual and reproductive wellness may be exaggerated as African Americans may exist more probable to employ service providers who use different patterns of testing and reporting.51
For example, healthcare systems that emphasize teaching and enquiry related to patient care may have a college proportion of African American patients, which can lead to the identification of health problems believed to be more common among African Americans (e.thou., STIs).51 In light of the nuances associated with the collection, analysis, interpretation, and reporting of health data for African American women, some researchers argue that there is an intersection betwixt the health and healthcare experiences of African Americans and the social conditions (east.g., poverty, limited education, residential segregation) they live in, helping shape patterns of documented wellness inequities, including sexual and reproductive health inequities.78–81
Linking by experiences to electric current wellness outcomes
The historical context of racism continues to shape the sexual and reproductive wellness of African American women. Figure 2 is a visual representation of central historical and contemporary social atmospheric condition experienced by African American women in the The states. It demonstrates the trajectory of agin social determinants (i.due east., poverty), which may affect the electric current health status of African American women. Although improvements in the public wellness and the healthcare system accept occurred over time, the following paragraphs discuss the continuum of racism-related experiences that began in slavery and have been found to influence sexual and reproductive health today.
Time line of fundamental historical and gimmicky racial and social experiences of Africans and their American descendants in the United States.
Transgenerational poverty originated in slavery and continues to unduly bear upon African Americans.82 Given the well-established link between racism, poverty, and wellness, the socioeconomic weather associated with institutionalized and interpersonal racism make African American women more than vulnerable to sexual and reproductive health problems.81 For example, African American women are more likely than other women to alive in neighborhoods in which the HIV prevalence is relatively loftier,83 increasing the likelihood that they volition encounter HIV-infected partners.84
Limited educational activity may contribute to health issues experienced by African American women. During slavery, laws prohibited enslaved women from receiving a formal teaching.xiv In later periods, most African American women had few opportunities for formal didactics, and black schools were given lower quality educational materials than schools educating white students. Low educational attainment may be associated with multiple sexual and reproductive wellness problems.85–88 Studies show that express teaching is associated with an increased likelihood of poor HIV treatment adherence, preterm births and infant bloodshed, and undergoing hysterectomy.89–91 Furthermore, the frequency of hysterectomies among African American women with poor education has amplified concerns near the frequency with which this process is used.91,92
Race-based residential segregation continues to differentially structure admission to quality educational opportunities in many predominantly African American neighborhoods.93,94 Ultimately, residential segregation by race provides a foundation to maintain other forms of institutional and societal segregation.80 Importantly, it plays a central part in reproductive and sexual health by limiting access to quality health services.95,96 For case, African Americans living in predominantly blackness communities are considerably less probable to receive early HIV testing and treatment than whites.64,97 In addition, residential segregation is linked with adverse reproductive health outcomes, which are rooted in social inequalities.98
Some researchers take discussed structural inequalities in employment opportunities in relation to sexual and reproductive health outcomes. Historically (i.e., during slavery), African American women were not compensated for the work they performed. As slavery came to an end, they were not provided access to resources or immediate employment opportunities to sustain themselves and their families.99 Depression-paying jobs with few opportunities for advancement have been found to influence decision-making around sexual behavior. Poverty is associated with sexual risk decisions in efforts to acquire basic needs, such every bit food and shelter.100–103
A personal history of sexual violence may also influence the overall health of African American women.104,105 Repeated assaults have been linked to trauma, which can increase the likelihood that women will feel sexual health problems (e.g., sexual dysfunction).106–108 African American women living in poverty have an increased likelihood of enduring babyhood sexual abuse.109 Furthermore, reproductive coercion diminishes cocky-esteem, resulting in feelings of inferiority, high levels of stress, and vulnerability to sexual take chances behaviors.110
Present-solar day stereotypes of African American women every bit "hypersexual," "ambitious," and "aroused" were born of representations that emerged in the past.133,107,111–113 Negative sexual stereotypes of African American women began every bit a means to justify their enslavement and subsequent sexual violence, including rape and sexual assault.114 Negative sexual imagery of African American women continued throughout the iv time periods.115–117 Peterson et al. recently found that African American women who reported viewing more sexual stereotypes in rap videos engaged in more than sexual risk behaviors than females who did not. Some data suggest that these negative stereotypes help to farther racist sentiments because they can be internalized by African Americans.118 Men of color who perpetuate these images either intentionally or unintentionally have themselves been victims of persistent negative imagery throughout history that ofttimes translates into internalized racism.119
Because many African American women lack access to quality healthcare, they have an increased likelihood of tardily-stage diagnoses of HIV and other medical conditions that increase the risk for early bloodshed.30,120 Many African American women lack access to preventive reproductive screenings, including mammograms and Pap smears.121 Some information suggest that factors contributing to disparities in preterm birth gamble or babe mortality include differences in prenatal intendance, nutrition, and SES too equally experiences of racism-related stress.65,121–125
Some suggest the origins of adult health begin with intrauterine and early postnatal experiences or equally a result of "weathering," through which repeated experiences with discrimination effect in physical health deterioration in early adulthood.126–129 Low birth weight among contemporary African Americans has been proposed to be a consequence of differences in current exposures to social and ecology factors that affect fetal development and from conditions experienced during slavery. Enslaved women endured poor health across their life span due to bereft diet, extreme physical work, and disease.130,131 Jasienska highlights the concept of "fetal programming," the idea that the physiological development of the fetus can be affected by environmental events, which may endure into adulthood, thereby affecting future generations. Although slavery was abolished in the United States in 1865, Jasienska argues that there has not been plenty fourth dimension to eliminate the physical effects of slavery, which contributes to the unduly high levels of depression birth weight in African American infants born in the 21st century.130 Although there are multiple risk factors for preterm birth and low nascency weight, long-term, multigenerational exposure to inadequate nutrition as evidenced during slavery should be considered when addressing depression nascency rate.130
Additionally, the legacy of medical experimentation and inadequate healthcare has exacerbated African American women's complex relationship with healthcare systems, past and present, and laid a foundation of mistrust of the medical establishment.132,133 Some researchers contend that the study of African Americans is incomplete if cultural mistrust is not taken into consideration.134 Research suggests that African Americans are reluctant to engage in clinical trials and may pass up handling as a result of their own race-related experiences.133,135–137 The lingering effects of the "Tuskegee Study of Untreated Syphilis" on African American women back up the need for present-twenty-four hours medical schools to prefer culturally and linguistically appropriate curricula that consider how this written report continues to bear upon the reproductive health and related behaviors of African American women.50
Implications for public wellness
The historical and contemporary racism-related health and healthcare experiences of African American women to date highlight the need to develop new models for health promotion. Socioecological models are useful for understanding the context of both race-specific and gender-specific issues relative to sexual and reproductive healthcare experiences.138 For example, programs designed to accost individual-level (i.e., cocky-esteem, resilience), interpersonal-level (i.east., reducing stigma), community-level (i.eastward., reducing residential segregation), and importantly system-level factors (i.e., reducing unemployment) might facilitate long-term, sustainable improvements in wellness for the larger population of African American women.139
Consistent with strategies outlined in the Department of Health and Human Services Activeness Plan to Reduce Racial and Ethnic Health Disparities and Healthy People 2020, we highlight the following strategies as first steps in reversing historical patterns of poor sexual and reproductive health outcomes amongst African American women: (1) ensure strategies focus on culturally and contextually advisable research and prevention, (ii) ensure equal admission to effective sexual health information and quality healthcare services, (3) support quality teaching and training for public health professionals, and (4) support policies that promote sexual and reproductive wellness equity.
To ensure strategies incorporate culturally and contextually advisable enquiry and prevention, an agreement of cultural theories and perspectives is cardinal to prevention efforts. This approach enables the development of programmatic systems and policy actions that are relevant and appropriate for the intended audience. African American women must be involved in the design, implementation, and evaluation of all aspects of the research and implementation of agreed-upon programs. Such an arroyo is modeled by community-based participatory enquiry.140 Similarly, it is important to closely examine macrolevel factors that bear on health outcomes, such every bit the socioeconomic, cultural, and dimensions of the community/environmental context. This approach further illuminates the impact of social determinants of wellness on African American women and expands opportunities and strategies for primary prevention.
Addressing equal access to constructive sexual and reproductive health information and quality healthcare services that stem from institutional racism and bigotry entails reducing barriers to admission to quality care, increasing access to health insurance, and ensuring the provision of culturally appropriate and specialized care. The Affordable Care Deed (ACA) could improve African American women'southward access to quality, affordable health coverage and help reduce inequities.121 The ACA was designed to expand access for preventive screening services for women, increases motherhood coverage, and increases funding to community health centers, which are generally located in disenfranchised communities serving large numbers of African Americans. Moreover, to effectively and efficiently address those underlying causes of agin sexual and reproductive wellness outcomes for African American women, public health agencies are encouraged to broaden their partnerships to include nontraditional partners (i.e., housing, education, employment) who might have more straight influence over some of the social determinants affecting the health status of African American women.
Addressing the shortage of African American public health professionals and supporting quality teaching and grooming are meaning in improving the provision of high-quality healthcare. Their representation in the workforce has both educational service and relationship benefits for patients and providers. In addition, ensuring their presence within the healthcare profession serves as an opportunity to address the discriminatory practices that may have prevented their entry into healthcare professions.141,142 Patient/provider relationships are also a gene in achieving patient satisfaction and medication adherence.143,144 Effective patient/provider communication is paramount to delivering loftier-quality health services, and patients are more apt to share information helpful to their provider when they feel valued.145
In improver, public wellness researchers should be familiar with the histories and lived feel of their African American patients to appropriately design collaborative prevention efforts that ameliorate racism and its health-related impacts amongst African American women. Learning to be culturally competent and sensitive is essential for providers and public wellness practitioners providing services to populations that take traditionally been marginalized and medically underserved.145
Moreover, policies that promote health disinterestedness tin be powerful tools for social change. Enforcing policies that promote racial and gender equality, quality education for all students, equal access to job training and employment opportunities, and equal access to quality health care for all could heighten population health.138,146,147
Conclusion
The field of public health volition be more successful addressing the root causes of health inequities when strategies are informed by rigorous social and epidemiological research. Properly framed and executed, such research can support the development of approaches that accept into account the unique experiences of African American women. This overview of historical wellness-related experiences of African American women is a first step in describing how the historical impact of racism links past events to present sexual and reproductive health outcomes. Addressing sexual and reproductive health through a historical lens and ensuring the implementation of culturally appropriate programs, research, and handling efforts will probable move public health toward achieving health equity, which will benefit the health of African American women.
Disclaimer
The findings and conclusions in this written report are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the official position of the Centers for Disease Command and Prevention.
Author Disclosure Argument
No competing fiscal interests be.
Abbreviations Used
| ACA | Affordable Care Deed |
| AAW | African American women |
| CDC | Centers for Illness Control and Prevention |
| SES | socioeconomic condition |
| STI | sexually transmitted infections |
References
ane. Wyatt GE. Stolen Women: Reclaiming Our Sexuality, Taking Back Our Lives. New York: Wiley, 1997 [Google Scholar]
2. Williams DR, Mohammed S. Bigotry and racial disparities in health: evidence and needed enquiry. Behav Med. 2009;32:20–38 [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
3. Jones CP. Levels of racism: a theoretic framework and a gardener's tale. Am J Public Health. 2000;90:1212–1215 [PMC costless article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
4. Abdou CM, Fingerhut AW. Stereotype threat among black and white women in health care settings. Cultur Defined Ethnic Small Psychol. 2014;20:316–323 [PMC free commodity] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
5. Thorburn S, Bogart LM. Conspiracy beliefs well-nigh birth control: barriers to pregnancy prevention among African Americans of reproductive age. Health Educ Behav. 2005;32:474–487 [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
six. Earnshaw VA, Rosenthal 50, Lewis JB, et al. . Maternal experiences with everyday bigotry and baby birthweight: a test of mediators and moderators amongst immature, urban women of color. Ann Behav Med. 2013;45:13–23 [PMC free commodity] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
ten. Jones CP, Jones CY, Perry GS, et al. . Addressing the social determinants of children'southward wellness: a cliff analogy. J Health Care Poor Underserved. 2009:xx:1–12 [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
11. Brondolo E, Love EE, Pencille M, et al. . Racism and hypertension: a review of the empirical evidence and implications for clinical practice. Am J Hypertens. 2011;24:518–529 [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
12. Mouton CP, Carter-Nolan PL, Makambi KH, et al. . Touch on of perceived racial discrimination on health screening in black women. J Health Care Poor Underserved. 2010;21:287–300 [PMC complimentary commodity] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
13. Alexander Yard. The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness. New York: The New Printing, 2012 [Google Scholar]
14. Franklin JH, Higginbotham Eastward. From Slavery to Freedom. New York: McGraw-Colina Publishers, 2010 [Google Scholar]
16. Ashley S. The Convenance of American Slaves: Truthful Stories of American Slave Breeding and Slave Babies. Charleston, SC: CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform, 2012 [Google Scholar]
17. Donoghue E. Black Breeding Machines: The Convenance of Negro Slaves in the Diaspora. Bloomington, IN: AuthorHouse, 2008 [Google Scholar]
eighteen. Smithers G. Slave Breeding: Sex, Violence and Memory in African American History. Gainesville, FL: Academy Press of Florida, 2012 [Google Scholar]
19. Jacobs H. Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl. Boston: Dover Publications, Inc.; 2001 [Google Scholar]
20. West C, Johnson K. Sexual Violence in the Lives of African American Women: Take chances, Response and Resilience. Harrisburg, PA: National Online Resource Center on Violence Against Women; Available at: world wide web.vawnet.org Accessed October4, 2013 [Google Scholar]
21. Sommerville DM. Rape and Race in the Nineteenth-Century South. Chapel Colina, NC: University of Due north Carolina Printing, 2004 [Google Scholar]
22. Schwartz MJ. Birthing a Slave. Motherhood and Medicine in the Antebellum South. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2006 [Google Scholar]
23. Bridgewater PD. Un/Re/Dis-covering slave convenance in thirteenth subpoena jurisprudence. Washington Lee J Civil Rights Soc Justice. 2001;7:eleven–42 [Google Scholar]
24. Sommerville DM. Rape. In: Blackness Women in America, 2nd. Edited past Hine DC. Cary, NC: Oxford Academy Press, 2005 [Google Scholar]
25. Apthekar H. American Negro Slave Revolts. New York: Columbia University Press, 1943 [Google Scholar]
26. Okihiro GY. Strategies and forms of resistance: focus on slave women in the United States. In Resistance: studies of African, Caribbean area and Afro-American History. Amherst, MA: University of Massachusetts Press, 1986 [Google Scholar]
27. Washington H. Medical Apartheid: the Dark History of Medical Experimentation on Black Americans from Colonial Times to the Present. New York: Doubleday, 2006 [Google Scholar]
28. Sartin JS. Marion Sims J., the begetter of gynecology: hero or villain? South Med J. 2004;97:500–505 [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
29. Savitt TL. The use of blacks for medical experimentation and demonstration in the old s. J South Hist. 1982;48:331–348 [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
30. Byrd WM, Clayton LA. An American Health Dilemma. A Medical History of African Americans and the Problem of Race—Beginnings to 1900. New York: Routledge, 2000 [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
31. Hine DC. Rape and the inner lives of black women in the center west. Signs J Women Cult Soc. 1989;14:912–920 [Google Scholar]
32. Wintersmith RF. Police and the Black Customs. New York: Lexington Books, 1974 [Google Scholar]
33. Woodward CV. The Strange Career of Jim Crow. New York: Oxford University Press, 2002 [Google Scholar]
34. Lichenstein B. Domestic violence, sexual buying, and HIV gamble in women in the American deep south. Soc Sci Med. 2005;60:701–714 [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
35. McGuire DL. At the Dark Cease of the Street: Black Women, Rape, and Resistance-A New History of the Ceremonious Rights Movement from Rosa Parks to the Rise of Black Power. New York: Random House, 2010 [Google Scholar]
36. Patterson O. Rituals of claret: sacrifical murders in the postbellum due south. J Blacks College Educ. 1999;23:123–127 [Google Scholar]
37. Armstrong JB. Mary Turner and the Memory of Lynching. Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press, 2011 [Google Scholar]
38. Kennedy R. Race, Offense and the Law. New York: Random House, 1998 [Google Scholar]
39. Meyers CC. Killing them by the wholesale: a lynching rampage in south Georgia. Georgia Hist Q. 2006;90:214–235 [Google Scholar]
41. Ross LJ. African-American women and ballgame: a neglected history. J Health Care Poor Underserved. 1992;3:274–284 [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
42. Davis A (ed.). Racism, Birth Control and Reproductive Rights. New York: Random Business firm, 1982 [Google Scholar]
43. Gould KH. Blackness women in double jeopardy: a perspective on birth control. Health Soc Piece of work. 1984;9:96–105 [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
44. Schoen J. Option and Compulsion: Birth Control, Sterilization, and Abortion in Public Health and Welfare. Chapel Hill: Academy of North Carolina Press, 2005 [Google Scholar]
46. Akpan AMA. Dark medicine: how the national research act has failed to accost racist practices in biomedical experiments targeting the African American community. Seattle J Soc Justice. 2013;11:1123–1181 [Google Scholar]
47. Kluchin RM. Fit to Exist Tied. Sterilization and Reproductive Rights in America, 1950–1980. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2009 [Google Scholar]
48. Vonderlehr RA, Clark T, Wenger OC, et al. . Untreated syphilis in the male person negro: a comparative report of treated and untreated cases. J Am Med Assoc. 1936;107:856–860 [Google Scholar]
49. Jones JH. Bad blood. The Tuskegee Syphilis Experiment. New York: The Free Press, 1992 [Google Scholar]
fifty. Washington DA. Examining the "stick" of accreditation for medical schools through reproductive justice lens: a transformative remedy for teaching the Tuskegee syphilis report. J Ceremonious Rights Econ Dev. 2012;26:153–195 [Google Scholar]
51. Smith DB. Eliminating disparities in treatment and the struggle to end segregation: the democracy fund; 2005. Available at www.commonwealthfund.org Accessed February12, 2013
52. Randall V. Slavery, segregation and racism: trusting the health care organisation ain't always easy! An African American perspective on bioethics. St. Louis University: Public Constabulary Review; 1996. Available at http://academic.udayton.edu/health/05bioethics/slavery02.htm#N_34 Accessed April15, 2013 [PubMed]
53. Bernier BL. Class, race and poverty: medical technologies and socio-political choices. Harvard Black Lett Constabulary J. 1994;11:115–143 [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
54. Roberts D. Killing the Blackness Body: Race, Reproduction and the Significant of Liberty. New York: Pantheon Books, 1997 [Google Scholar]
55. Higgins JA. Celebration meets caution: LARC's boons, potential busts and the benefits of a reproductive justice approach. Contraception. 2014;89:237–241 [PMC free commodity] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
56. Gomez AM, Fuentes L, Allina A. Women or LARC first? Reproductive autonomy and the promotion of long-acting reversible contraceptive methods. Perspect Sexual practice Reprod Wellness. 2014;46:171–175 [PMC complimentary article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
57. Thorburn Due south, Bogart L. African American women and family unit planning services: perceptions of discrimination. Women Health. 2005;42:23–39 [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
58. Flores Due south, Cutler B, Geckeler D, et al. (eds.) Enhanced comprehensive HIV prevention planning (ECHPP) demonstration projection: experiences shifting to high affect prevention. 141st APHA Almanac Meeting; November four, 2013; Boston, MA [Google Scholar]
59. Function of National AIDS Policy. National HIV/AIDS Strategy for the Usa. Washington, DC: The White House Office of National AIDS Policy, 2010 [Google Scholar]
lx. Roberts KJ. Physician-Patient relationships, patient satisfaction and antiretroviral medication adherence amidst HIV-infected adults attention a public health dispensary. AIDS Patient Intendance STDs. 2002;16:43–50 [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
61. Dehlendorf C, Ruskin R, Grumbach K, et al. . Recommendations for intrauterine contraception: a randomized trial of the effects of patients' race/ethnicity and socioeconomic status. Am J Obstet Gynecol. 2010;203:1–19 [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
62. Centers for Affliction Control and Prevention. Sexually transmitted illness surveillance 2012. Atlanta, GA: department of Wellness and Human Services, 2014. Available at www.cdc.gov/std/stats12/surv2012.pdf Accessed January18, 2018
63. Centers for Disease Command and Prevention. Estimated HIV incidence in the United States, 2007–2010. Atlanta, GA: Department of Health and Human Services, 2012. Available at www.cdc.gov/hiv/pdf/statistics_hssr_vol_17_no_4.pdf Accessed January18, 2018
64. Aziz M, Smith KY. Challenges and successes in HIV-infected women to intendance in the The states. Clin Infect Dis. 2011:52(Suppl 2):S231–S237 [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
65. Dominguez TP. Adverse nativity outcomes in African American women: the social context of persistent reproductive disadvantage. Soc Work Public Wellness. 2011;26:three–16 [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
66. Alio AP, Richman AR, Clayton HB, et al. . An ecological approach to understanding black-white disparities in perinatal mortality. Matern Kid Wellness J. 2010;fourteen:557–566 [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
67. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Health disparities and inequalities report–United States, 2013. MMWR. 2013;62(Suppl 3):136–138 [Google Scholar]
68. Martin JA, Hamilton BE, Osterman MJK, et al. . Births: final data for 2012. Natl Vital Stat Rep. 2013;62:ane–87 [Google Scholar]
69. Berg C, Callaghan WM, Syverson C, et al. . Pregnancy-related mortality in the United States, 1998 to 2005. Obstet Gynecol. 2010;116:1302–1309 [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
70. Martin JA, Hamilton BE, Ventura SJ, et al. . Births: final data for 2009. Natl Vital Stat Rep. 2011;threescore:ane–71 [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
71. Tucker MJ, Berg CJ, Callaghan WM, et al. . The blackness-white disparity in pregnancy-related mortality from 5 conditions: differences in prevalence and case fatality rates. Am J Public Health. 2007;97:247–251 [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
72. Becker ER, Spalding J, DuChane J. Inpatient surgical handling patterns for patients with uterine fibroids in the United states of america, 1998–2002. J Natl Med Assoc. 2005;97:1336–1342 [PMC free commodity] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
73. Bower JK, Schreiner PJ, Sternfeld B, et al. . Black-white differences in hysterectomy prevalence: the CARDIA study. Am J Public Health. 2009;99:300–307 [PMC costless commodity] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
74. Kjerulff KH, Guzinski GM, Langenberg PW, et al. . Hysterectomy and race. Obstet Gynecol. 1993;82:757–764 [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
75. Leigh WA, Huff D. The Sexual and Reproductive Health of Young Men of Color: Analyzing and Interpreting the Data. Washington, DC: Joint Centers for Political and Economics Studies, 2006 [Google Scholar]
76. Warren-Jeanpiere 50, Miller KS, Warren AM. African American women'south retrospective perceptions of the intergenerational transfer of gynecological health care data received from mothers: implications for families and providers. J Fam Commun. 2010;10:81–98 [Google Scholar]
77. Prather C, Fuller TR, Marshall KJ, et al. . The impact of racism on the sexual and reproductive wellness of African American women. J Womens Wellness. 2016:25:664–671 [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
78. Williams DR, Jackson PB. Social sources of racial disparities in health. Health Aff. 2005;24:325–334 [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
79. Williams DR. Race, socioeconomic status and health–The added effects of racism and discrimination. Ann Due north Y Acad Sci. 1999;896:173–188 [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
80. Williams DR, Collins CA. Racial residential segregation: a fundamental cause of racial disparities in health. Public Health Rep. 2001;116:404–416 [PMC gratuitous article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
81. Zierler S, Krieger Northward. Reframing women'southward hazard: social inequalities and HIV infection. Ann Rev Public Health. 1997;18:401–436 [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
82. Gans HJ. Race every bit class. Contexts. 2005;iv:17–21 [Google Scholar]
83. Denning P, DiNenno EA. Communities in crisis: is there a generalized HIV epidemic in impoverished urban areas of the United states? 18 International AIDS Briefing; July 18–23, 2010; Vienna, Austria [Google Scholar]
84. Adimora AA, Schoenbach VJ, Doherty IA. HIV and African Americans in the southern United States: sexual networks and social context. Sex Transm Dis. 2006;33:S39–S45 [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
85. Hasnain M, Levy JA, Mensah EK, et al. . Association of educational attainment with HIV hazard in African American active injection drug users. AIDS Care. 2007;xix:87–91 [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
86. Finer LB, Zolna MR. Unintended pregnancy in the United States: incidence and disparities. Contraception. 2011;84:478–485 [PMC free commodity] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
87. Painter JE, Wingood GM, DiClemente RJ, et al. . College graduation reduces vulnerability to STIs/HIV amid African American immature adult women. Womens Health Bug. 2012;22:e303–e310 [PMC free commodity] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
88. Crosby RA, DiClemente RJ, Wingood GM, et al. . The protective value of school enrollment against sexually transmitted illness: a study of loftier-run a risk African American adolescent females. Sex Transm Infect. 2007;83:223–227 [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
89. Kalichman SC, Catz S, Ramachandran B. Barriers to HIV/AIDS handling and treatment adherence among African American adults with disadvantaged teaching. J Natl Med Assoc. 1999;91:439–446 [PMC gratis article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
ninety. Lu MC, Kotelchuck One thousand, Hogan V, et al. . Closing the black-white gap in birth outcomes: a life-grade arroyo. Ethn Dis. 2010;xx(Suppl 2):s262–s276 [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
91. Morelli SS, Lian Y, Schott LL, et al. . Qualifications of physicians performing hysterectomy: the study of women'southward health across the nation. Reprod Sci. 2009. [Epub ahead of impress]; DOI: 10.1177/1933719109351595 [PubMed] [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
92. Powell LH, Meyer P, Weiss G, et al. . Ethnic differences in past hysterectomy for benign conditions. Womens Wellness Issues. 2005;15:179–186 [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
93. Massey DS, Denton NA. The dimensions of residential segregation. Soc Forces. 1988;67:281–315 [Google Scholar]
94. Kawachi I, Berkman LF. Neighborhoods and Wellness. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003 [Google Scholar]
95. Lu MC, Halfon North. Racial and indigenous disparities in birth outcomes: a life-course perspective. Matern Child Health J. 2003;7:xiii–30 [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
96. Mayberry RM, Mili F, Ofili East. Racial and ethnic differences in admission to medical care. Med Care Res Rev. 2000;57(Suppl i):108–145 [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
97. Arnold M, Hsu Fifty, Pipkin South, et al. . Race, place and AIDS: the role of socioeconomic context on racial disparities in treatment and survival in San Francisco. Soc Sci Med. 2009;69:121–128 [PMC complimentary commodity] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
98. Breiding MJ, Chen J, Black MC. Intimate Partner Violence in the United States–2010. In DHHS, ed. Atlanta, GA: Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, National Center for Injury Prevention and Control, 2014 [Google Scholar]
99. Jones J. Labor of Beloved, Labor of Sorrow. Blackness Women, Work and the Family, from Slavery to the Nowadays. New York: Bones Books, 2010 [Google Scholar]
100. DiNenno EA, Oster AM, Sionean C, et al. . Piloting a system for behavioral surveillance among heterosexuals at increased risk of HIV in the Us. Open AIDS J. 2012;half-dozen:169–176 [PMC costless article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
101. Krishnan S, Dunbar MS, Minnis AM, et al. . Poverty, gender inequities, and women's hazard of human immunodeficiency virus/AIDS. Ann N Y Acad Sci. 2008;1136:101–110 [PMC gratuitous article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
102. Stratford D, Mizuno Y, Williams K, et al. . Addressing poverty as hazard for disease: recommendations from CDC's consultation on microenterprise as HIV prevention. Public Wellness Rep. 2008;123:9–20 [PMC gratuitous commodity] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
103. Tsui EK, Leonard L, Lenoir C, et al. . Poverty and sexual concurrency: a case study of STI risk. J Health Care Poor Underserved. 2008;xix:758–777 [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
104. Clum GA, Andrinopoulos 1000, Muessig Thousand, et al. . Child abuse in young, HIV-positive women: linkages to take a chance. Qual Health Res. 2009;19:1755–1768 [PMC complimentary article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
105. Wyatt GE, Myers HF, Williams JK, et al. . Does a history of trauma contribute to HIV take a chance for women of colour? Implications for prevention and policy. Am J Public Health. 2002;92:660–665 [PMC free commodity] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
106. Banyard VL, Wililams LM, Siegel JA. The long-term mental health consequences of child sexual abuse: an exploratory study of the touch on of multiple traumas in a sample of women. J Trauma Stress. 2001;fourteen:697–715 [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
107. Wyatt GE. The socio-cultural context of African American and white American women's rape. J Soc Issues. 1992;48:77–91 [Google Scholar]
108. Wyatt GE, Guthrie D, Notgrass CM. Differential effects of women'south child sexual abuse and subsequent sexual revictimization. J Consult Clin Psychol. 1992;60:167–173 [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
109. West C. Violence in the Lives of Blackness Women: Battered, Black and Blueish. New York, NY: Haworth Printing, Inc., 2002 [Google Scholar]
110. Miller Due east, Silverman JG. Reproductive coercion and partner violence: implications for clinical cess of unintended pregnancy. Expert Rev Obstet Gynecol. 2010;4:511–515 [PMC complimentary article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
111. Peterson S, Wingood GM, DiClemente RJ, et al. . Images of sexual stereotypes in rap videos and the wellness of African American female adolescents. J Womens Health. 2007;16:1157–1164 [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
112. Stephens DP, Phillips LD. Freaks, gold diggers, divas, and dykes: the sociohistorical evolution of adolescent African American women'southward sexual scripts. Sex Cult. 2003;7:3–49 [Google Scholar]
113. Wallace SA, Townsend TG, Glasgow M, et al. . Aureate diggers, video vixens, and jezebels: stereotype images and substance use amid urban African American girls. J Womens Health. 2011;20:1315–1324 [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
114. Donovan R, Williams M. Living at the intersection. The furnishings of racism and sexism on blackness rape survivors. Women Ther. 2002;25:95–105 [Google Scholar]
115. Westward C. Mammy, sapphire, and jezebel: historical images of black women and their implications for psychotherapy. Psychotherapy. 1995;32:456–466 [Google Scholar]
116. Rosenthal L, Lobel G. Stereotypes of blackness American women related to sexuality and maternity. Psychol Women Q. 2016;twoscore;414–427 [PMC free commodity] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
117. Tukachinsky R, Mastro D, Moran Y. Documenting portrayals of race/ethnicity on primetime television set over a twenty-year span and their clan with national-level racial/indigenous attitudes. J Soc Issues. 2015;71:17–38 [Google Scholar]
118. Collins PH. Blackness Sexual Politics: African Americans, Gender, and the New Racis. New York: Routledge, 2004 [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
119. Speight SL. Internalized racism: ane more piece of the puzzle. Couns Psychol. 2007;35:126–134 [Google Scholar]
120. El-Bassel N, Caldeira NA, Ruglass LM, et al. . Addressing the unique needs of African American in HIV prevention. Am J Public Health. 2009;99:996–1001 [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
122. Behrman RE, Butler AS. Sociodemographic and community factors contributing to preterm nascency (Chapter 4). In Preterm Birth: Causes, Consequences, and Prevention. Edited by Behrman RE, Butler AS. Washington, DC: National Academies Printing, 2007 [Google Scholar]
123. Novick G. Women'due south experience of prenatal intendance: an integrative review. J Midwifery Womens Health. 2009;54:226–237 [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
124. Barnes GL. Perspectives of African-American women on baby mortality. Soc Work Health Care. 2008;47:293–305 [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
125. Salm-Ward TC, Mazul M, Ngui EM, et al. . "You learn to go concluding": perceptions of prenatal care experiences amid African American women with express incomes. Matern Child Health J. 2013;17:1753–1759 [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
126. Gluckman PD, Hanson MA, Cooper C, et al. . Effect of in utero and early-life conditions on adult health and illness. Due north Engl J Med. 2008;359:61–73 [PMC gratis commodity] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
127. Kuzawa CW, Quinn EA. Developmental origins of adult function and health: evolutionary hypotheses. Ann Rev Anthropol. 2009;38:131–147 [Google Scholar]
128. Kuzawa CW, Sweetness Due east. Epigenetics and the embodiment of race: developmental origins of United states racial disparities in cardiovascular wellness. Am J Hum Biol. 2009;21:2–xv [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
129. Geronimus AT. The weathering hypothesis and the health of African American women and infants: evidence and speculations. Ethn Dis. 1992;ii:207–221 [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
130. Jasienska G. Low birth weight of contemporary African Americans: an intergenerational effect of slavery? Am J Hum Biol. 2009;21:16–24 [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
131. Kiple KF, Kiple VH. Slave child mortality-some nutritional answers to a perennial puzzle. J Soc Hist. 1977;ten:284–309 [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
132. Randall V. Dying While Black. An in Depth Wait at a Crunch in the American Healthcare System. Dayton, OH: Seven Principles Printing, 2006 [Google Scholar]
133. Clark PA. Prejudice and the medical profession: a five year update. J Police Med Ideals. 2009;37:118–133 [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
134. Terrell F, Taylor J, Menzise J, et al. Cultural mistrust. A core component of African American consciousness. In: Handbook of African American Psychology. Edited by Neville H, Tynes BM, Utsey Then. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, 2009 [Google Scholar]
135. Armstrong K, Putt One thousand, Halbert CH, et al. . Prior experience of racial discrimination and racial differences in health care system distrust. Med Care. 2013;51:144–150 [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
136. DeFreitas D. Race and HIV clinical trial participation. J Natl Med Assoc. 2010;102:493–499 [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
137. Scharff DP, Mathews KJ, Jackson P, et al. . More Tuskegee: understanding mistrust about research participation. J Wellness Care Poor Underserved. 2010;21:879–897 [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
138. Bronfenbrenner U. Ecological models of human being development. In: International Encyclopedia of Education, 2nd ed. Edited by Husen T, Postlethwaite North. Oxford: Elsevier, 1994 [Google Scholar]
139. Williams DR, Mohammed SA. Racism and wellness II: a needed research agenda for constructive interventions. Am Behav Sci. 2013;57:1–23 [PMC free commodity] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
140. Robinson RG. Community development model for public health applications: overview of a model to eliminate population disparities. Wellness Promot Pract. 2005;6:338–346 [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
141. Marrast LM, Zallman L, Woolhandler S, et al. . Minority physicians' role in the care of underserved patients. Diversifying the physician workforce may be key in addressing health disparities. JAMA Intern Med. 2014;174:289–291 [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
142. Saha S. Taking diversity seriously: the merits of increasing minority representation in medicine. JAMA Intern Med. 2014;174:291–292 [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
143. Bakken Due south, Holzemer WL, Brown MA, et al. . Relationships betwixt perception of appointment with wellness care provider and demographic characteristics, health condition, and adherence to therapeutic regimen in persons with HIV/AIDS. AIDS Patient Intendance STDs. 2000;14:189–197 [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
144. Tyer-Viola LA, Corless IB, Webel A, et al. . Predictors of medication adherence among HIV-positive women in due north American. J Obstet Gynecol Neonatal Nurs. 2014;43:168–178 [PMC gratis commodity] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
145. George S, Duran N, Norris K. A systematic review of barriers and facilitators to minority research participation among African Americans, Latinos, Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders. Am J Public Wellness. 2014;104:e16–e31 [PMC complimentary article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
146. Moss NE. Gender disinterestedness and socioeconomic inequality: a framework for the patterning of women'southward health. Soc Sci Med. 2002;54:649–661 [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
147. Balafoutas Fifty, Sutter M. Affirmative action policies promote women and do not harm efficiency in the laboratory. Scientific discipline. 2012;335:579–582 [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
Articles from Health Equity are provided hither courtesy of Mary Ann Liebert, Inc.
Source: https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC6167003/
0 Response to "Recent Uploads of White Man Force Rape Black Woman"
Post a Comment